Vol.627 域外法学 | 《法哲学与社会哲学论丛》（ARSP) 第106卷（2020）第2期

Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosphie

《法哲学与社会哲学论丛》  

Volume 106, Number 2 | April 2020

《法哲学与社会哲学论丛》（Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie）由国际法哲学与社会哲学协会（IVR）出版发行。自1907年创刊以来，期刊注目于社会生活、法律文化及其交互作用的智识基础，进而开展法哲学基础研究。期刊接纳所有的当下思想学派，并尤为注重国际视野。同侪评审的程序保证了刊文的高学术水准。

《法哲学与社会哲学论丛》现任主编为乌尔弗里德·诺依曼（Ulfrid Neumann），德国法兰克福大学法哲学、法社会学、刑法和刑事诉讼法学教授，国际法哲学与社会哲学协会前主席（2011-2015），拉德布鲁赫基金会主席。

01

民粹主义对欧洲自由民主秩序的抵抗：匈牙利、英国和超国家机构

Populist Resistance Against the European Liberal Democratic Order: Hungary, the UK and Supranational Institutions

Zoethout, Carla

本文的重点是民粹主义在匈牙利和英国对欧盟和《欧洲人权公约》的抵抗。两国似乎都提出了一个更普遍的要求，即远离欧洲化，更多地转向国家主权，这无疑将导致未来几年内重要的宪法变化。在本文中，我将首先研究民粹主义的一般概念，因为它在西方许多国家中都有体现。其次，重点是匈牙利和英国——由于民粹主义的影响，这两国对诸欧洲机构的抵抗日益增强。第三，分析了他们抵抗的背景。最后，本文将思考民粹主义挑战对自由民主的影响。

This paper focusses on populist resistance against the EU and the European Convention of Human Rights, in Hungary and the UK. Both countries seem to voice a more general quest away from Europeanization and towards more national sovereignty, which will undoubtedly result in important constitutional changes in the coming years. In this paper, I shall first of all study the notion of populism in general as it manifests itself in many countries in the West. Secondly, the focus is on Hungary and the UK – countries that are witnessing increasing resistance against European institutions as a result of populist influence. Thirdly, the background of their revolt is analyzed. Finally, the article will ponder the consequences of the populist challenge to liberal democracy.

02

永不满足的民主：玛格丽特·卡诺万的民粹主义理论

The Insatiable Democracy: Margaret Canovan's Theory of Populism

Van Der Walt, Sibylle

自英国脱欧公投和一位极右翼商人当选美国总统以来，社会科学一直在努力解释滋生西方世界民粹主义政党和领导人呼声越来越高的社会条件。本文重构了玛格丽特·卡诺万的作品所具有的潜力，其以社会学方法来研究民粹主义。借助卡诺万的理论，可以将研究重点放在民粹主义者号召“人民”的情感诉求上。重构这种情感上的诉求，不仅可以解释民粹主义者如何成功地将“人民”呈现为一个新的、具有政治意识的群体，而且还可以体现出这种新的群体形成基础的后工业社会危机的特殊性。

Since the Brexit-vote and the election of a far-right business man as President of the United State, the social sciences have been struggling to explain the societal conditions that nourish the increasing appeal of populist parties and leaders in the Western world. The article reconstructs the potential of Margaret Canovan's work for a sociological approach towards populism. With Canovan, it is possible to focus research on the emotional appeal of the populists' call on 'the people'. Reconstructing this emotional appeal does not only explain how populists succeed to present 'the people' as a new, politically conscious group, it may also render manifest the specificities of the crisis of post-industrial societies that underlies this new group-formation.

03

如何证成控制移民的权能？管辖权及其成本

How to Justify the Competence to Control Immigration? Jurisdiction and its Costs

Rochel, Johan

本文是一篇关于移民的政治及法律理论的作品。借鉴佩夫尼克“联合所有权”的主张以及布莱克保障基本权利的责任的观点，本文为政治共同体控制移民的权能之正当性提供了修正的理由。我梗概出一个围绕“管辖权”的概念所建构的论证，该概念划定了政治和法律领域的界限。这种管辖权的内在与外在两个层面共同为该论证提供依据。就内在层面而言，我认为我们应该把关注点从一般的证成转向一套针对具体情况的证成。“成本”概念可以具体说明成员对其共同资源的要求与控制移民（进入领土、劳动力市场、福利机制和政治资格）的不同等级权限之间的联系。就外在层面，我认为由于行使控制移民的权限而产生的排斥效应，应当被视为引发政治共同体的责任。根据Ypi关于领土主张的康德式理论，这些效应被重构为引发三种责任。总的来说，本文概述了控制移民的权限的暂时与有条件的解释。管辖权的内在和外在层面阐释了将自由政治共同体所主张的权限与其作出的广泛世界承诺相结合之雄心。

This paper is a contribution to the political and legal theory on immigration. It proposes a revised justification of a political community's competence to control immigration which draws upon both Pevnick's account of "associative ownership" and Blake's account of the responsibility to guarantee fundamental rights. I outline an argument structured around the concept of "jurisdiction" as delimiting a political and legal area. The internal and external dimensions of this jurisdiction are cumulative parts of the justification proposed. In the internal dimension, I argue that we should shift the focus from a general justification to a set of situation-specific justifications. The concept of "costs" allows for specifying the link between members' claim upon their common resources and the different sub-competences to control immigration (access to territory, to labour market, to welfare mechanisms, to political membership). In the external dimension, I claim that exclusion effects resulting from the exercise of the competence to control immigration should be considered to trigger responsibility of the political community. Drawing upon Ypi's Kantian theory of territorial claim, these effects are reconstructed as triggering three types of duties. Overall, the paper outlines a provisional and conditional account of the competence to control immigration. The internal and external dimensions of jurisdiction give meaning to the ambition to combine the competence claimed by a liberal political community and its broadly cosmopolitan commitments.

04

多样性、民主与文化：难民安置决策中宗教歧视的伦理探析

Diversity, Democracy, and Culture: An Inquiry into the Ethics of Religious Discrimination in Refugee Resettlement Decisions

Watson, Matt

本文意在探究，自由民主国家在决定允许哪些难民于其领土上重新定居时，考虑难民的宗教信仰在道德上是否可接受。我检视了四种最有可能为这种宗教歧视辩护的论证：1. 目前为止它甚至根本不是错误；2. 难民安置是一种职责外的行为，因此一个国家可能选择参与其中的方式不能成为道德批判的对象；3. 为了保护接受国的政治文化，宗教歧视在难民安置中是必要的；4. 以宗教歧视的方式选择安置难民可能导致安置的世界难民总数净增加。我的结论是第一个和第二个理由应当被彻底否定。我认为第三个论点在理论上可以成功地证明难民安置决定中的宗教歧视是正当的，但在我们今天生活的实际世界中，鉴于被安置的难民人数非常少，这一论点根本不令人信服。我建议在提出第四种宗教歧视辩护理由时要保持谨慎，并阐明其成功所需依赖的各种考虑因素——以及不能预先假定存在的经验性事实。

This article asks whether it is morally acceptable for a liberal democratic state to consider refugees' religious beliefs when determining which refugees it will allow to resettle in its territory. I examine four arguments that might be advanced to defend such religious discrimination: i) that it is not even pro tanto wrongful; ii) that refugee resettlement is a supererogatory act, and therefore the way in which a state might choose to engage in it cannot be a proper subject of moral criticism; iii) that religious discrimination is necessary in the refugee resettlement context in order to preserve the political culture of the receiving state; and iv) that selecting refugees for resettlement in a religiously discriminatory manner may lead to a net increase in the total number of the world's refugees that are resettled. I conclude that the first and second rationales should be rejected outright. I argue that the third argument could theoretically succeed in justifying religious discrimination in refugee resettlement decisions, but is not at all plausible in the actual world we inhabit today, given the very low number of refugees that are resettled. I recommend caution in advancing the fourth defence of religious discrimination, and elucidate the range of considerations – as well as the empirical facts that cannot be assumed into existence in advance – upon which its success would depend.

05

在暴力与信任之间：作为道德形象的国家形式

Between Violence and Trust: State Formation as a Moral Figure

Wevelsiep, Christian

无论从实践还是哲学角度来看，国家形成仍然是一项艰巨的必要任务。国家建设需要回归人类世界；信任必须被建立，国家行动中的责任必须可被辨识。在现代社会这被看作是理所当然的；未能不证自明之处只是缘于对重塑国家形式之可能性的公开讨论。国家信心包括历史洞察力（1）以及对冲突功能的批判性讨论（2-3）。人们也需要关于国家提供其与道德语言相联系之基本可能性的讨论（4）。

Forming a state is still a necessary task which is difficult from both a practical and a philosophical point of view. State building requires a return to the human world; trust must be built and responsibility must be recognizable in state action. This appears to be taken for granted in the modern age; the not self-evident only results from an open discussion about the possibility of a renewed, renewing formation of the state. Confidence in the state includes historical insights (1) and a critical discussion of the functionality of conflicts (2–3). One also needs a discussion about the fundamental possibilities that a state offers, its connection with the language of morality (4).

06

法律规范性的概念起源问题：一个康德式答复

A Kantian Solution to the Problem of the Conceptual Origins of the Normativity of Law

Berger, Mario García

我意图将法律效力的概念解释为一个康德范畴，如此便不会出现法律秩序最终效力基础的问题，因为探寻具体法律规范的效力理由是有意义的，但是将这个概念应用于法律体系的所有规范却是不合理的。因此，基础规范并非被设想为法律效力的最终基础，而是作为认知它的最终先验条件。我也以保证法律体系的存在作为法律科学研究对象的先天条件，来重新阐释了凯尔森的实效概念。

I propose an interpretation of the concept of legal validity as a Kantian category so that the question about the ultimate foundation for the validity of a legal order does not arise, since it makes sense to ask about the reasons for the validity of specific legal norms, but it is illegitimate to apply this concept to the totality of norms of a legal system. Thus, the basic norm is not to be conceived as the final grounding of legal validity but as the ultimate transcendental condition for the cognition of it. I also reformulate the Kelsenian concept of effectiveness in terms of the apriori condition that guarantees the existence of legal systems as the objects of study of the science of law.

07

伊曼努尔·康德“普遍实践哲学”的归责概念：论《道德形而上学》原初概念的解释

The Concept of Imputation in Immanuel Kant's "Philosophia practica universalis": On the Interpretation of a Preliminary Notion of the "Metaphysics of Morals"

Heuser, Martin

在对康德著作的继受中，道德归责的概念迄今很少受到关注。由于对行为（“事实（factum）”）概念——这个概念对归责的运作至关重要，其引致事实（fact）（“真实性”）的现代概念——字面意义的有迹可循的还原，因此自由的概念——它在康德的归责概念中已经被预设为决定性因素——本身立基于以著名的“理性事实”为名的归责关系。有鉴于此，本文更为细致地检讨伊曼努尔·康德在《道德形而上学》（1797）导言所确立的归责概念。

The notion of moral imputation has so far received little attention in the reception of the Kantian work. Owing to a traceable reduction in the literal meaning of the notion of deed ("factum"), a concept which is vital for the operation of imputation, resulting in the modern notion of fact ("facticity"), it was so far overseen, that the notion of freedom, which is already presupposed as determining factor in the Kantian notion of imputation, is itself based on a relation of imputation that goes by the name of the famous "factum of reason". In the light of the above, this article examines the notion of imputation as it is established more closely in the introduction of the "Metaphysics of Morals" (1797) by Immanuel Kant.

法律思想 | 中国政法大学法理学研究所